|The Right Honourable
The Earl Attlee
KG OM CH FRS PC
|Prime Minister of the United Kingdom|
26 July 1945 – 26 October 1951
|Preceded by||Winston Churchill|
|Succeeded by||Winston Churchill|
|Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom|
19 February 1942 – 23 May 1945
|Prime Minister||Winston Churchill|
|Preceded by||Office Created|
|Succeeded by||Herbert Morrison|
|Leader of the Opposition|
26 October 1951 – 25 November 1955
|Prime Minister||Winston Churchill
Sir Anthony Eden
|Preceded by||Winston Churchill|
|Succeeded by||Herbert Morrison|
25 October 1935 – 11 May 1940
|Prime Minister||Stanley Baldwin
|Preceded by||George Lansbury|
|Succeeded by||Hastings Lees-Smith|
|Leader of the Labour Party|
25 October 1935 – 25 November 1955
|Preceded by||George Lansbury|
|Succeeded by||Hugh Gaitskell|
|Deputy Leader of the Labour Party|
25 October 1933 – 25 October 1935
|Preceded by||John Robert Clynes|
|Succeeded by||Arthur Greenwood|
|Lord President of the Council|
24 September 1943 – 23 May 1945
|Prime Minister||Winston Churchill|
|Preceded by||Sir John Anderson|
|Succeeded by||The Lord Woolton|
|Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs|
15 February 1942 – 24 September 1943
|Prime Minister||Winston Churchill|
|Preceded by||The Viscount Cranborne|
|Succeeded by||The Viscount Cranborne|
|Lord Privy Seal|
11 May 1940 – 15 February 1942
|Prime Minister||Winston Churchill|
|Preceded by||Sir Kingsley Wood|
|Succeeded by||Sir Stafford Cripps|
|Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster|
23 May 1930 – 13 March 1931
|Prime Minister||Ramsay MacDonald|
|Preceded by||Sir Oswald Mosley|
|Succeeded by||The Lord Ponsonby|
|Member of Parliament
for Walthamstow West
23 February 1950 – 26 December 1955
|Preceded by||Valentine McEntee|
|Succeeded by||Edward Redhead|
|Member of Parliament
15 November 1922 – 23 February 1950
|Preceded by||Sir William Pearce|
|Succeeded by||Walter Edwards|
|Born||Clement Richard Attlee
3 January 1883
Putney, London, United Kingdom
|Died||8 October 1967
Westminster Hospital, London, United Kingdom
|Resting place||Westminster Abbey|
(Lady) Felicity Ann
|Alma mater||University College, Oxford|
|Religion||None (possibly agnostic)|
|Years of service||1914-1919|
Clement Richard Attlee, 1st Earl Attlee, KG, OM, CH, PC, FRS (3 January 1883 – 8 October 1967) was a British politician who served as the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1945 to 1951, and as the Leader of the Labour Party from 1935 to 1955. He was the first person ever to hold the office of Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, serving under Winston Churchill in the wartime coalition government, before going on to lead the Labour Party to a landslide election victory in 1945 and a narrow victory in 1950. He became the first Labour Prime Minister ever to serve a full term, as well as the first to command a Labour majority in Parliament, and remains to date the longest-ever serving Leader of the Labour Party.
First elected to Parliament in 1922 as the MP for Limehouse, he rose quickly to become a minister in the minority government led by Ramsay MacDonald in 1924. In 1931, after the Labour Party had suffered a disastrous election defeat, he was elected Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. Four years later, he became the Leader of the Labour Party after the resignation of George Lansbury. After reversing Labour's previous policy of pacificism and appeasement, he became a fierce critic of Neville Chamberlain's attempts to negotiate with Adolf Hitler. After the outbreak of the Second World War, he took Labour into the coalition government formed by Winston Churchill. Initially serving in the Cabinet as the Lord Privy Seal, he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister two years later. In 1945, the coalition government was dissolved, and Attlee led Labour to win a huge majority in the ensuing general election.
The government he led built the post-war consensus, based upon the assumption that full employment would be maintained by Keynesian policies and that a greatly enlarged system of social services would be created – aspirations that had been outlined in the wartime Beveridge Report. Within this context, his government undertook the nationalisation of public utilities and major industries, as well as the creation of the National Health Service. After initial Conservative opposition to Keynesian fiscal policy, this settlement was broadly accepted by all parties for over three decades until Margaret Thatcher became Prime Minister in 1979. His government also presided over the decolonisation of a large part of the British Empire, granting British India, Burma, and Ceylon independence, as well as ending the British Mandate of Palestine and the British Mandate of Jordan. After leading Labour to victory again in 1950, he resigned as Prime Minister following a narrow defeat in 1951.
Attlee was born in Putney, London, the seventh of eight children. His father was Henry Attlee (1841–1908), a solicitor, and his mother was Ellen Bravery Watson (1847–1920). He was educated at Northaw School, a boys' preparatory school near Pluckley in Kent. He then attended Haileybury College, and University College, Oxford, where he graduated with a Second Class Honours BA in Modern History in 1904. During this time Attlee also played football for Fleet Town F.C.. Attlee then trained as a lawyer, and was called to the Bar in 1906.
From 1906 to 1909, Attlee worked as manager of Haileybury House, a charitable club for working class boys in Stepney in the East End of London run by his old school. Prior to this, his political views had largely been conservative. However, after his shock at the poverty and deprivation he saw while working with the slum children, he came to the view that private charity would never be sufficient to alleviate poverty, and that only direct action and income redistribution by the state would have any serious effect. This sparked a process of political evolution that saw him develop into a full-fledged supporter of socialism. He subsequently joined the Independent Labour Party in 1908, and became active in local politics.
In 1909, he worked briefly as a secretary for Beatrice Webb, before becoming a secretary for Toynbee Hall. In 1911, he was employed by the UK Government as an "official explainer", touring the country to explain Chancellor of the Exchequer David Lloyd George's National Insurance Act. He spent the summer of that year touring Essex and Somerset on a bicycle, explaining the Act at public meetings. A year later, he became a lecturer at the London School of Economics, remaining there until he applied for an army officer commission following the outbreak of the First World War in August 1914.
During the First World War, Attlee became a Captain and served with the South Lancashire Regiment in the Gallipoli Campaign in Turkey. His decision to fight in the war caused a rift between him and his older brother Tom, who, as a pacifist and a conscientious objector, spent much of the war in prison. After a period of time fighting in Gallipoli, he became ill with dysentery and was sent to a hospital in Malta to recover. His hospitalisation coincided with the Battle of Sari Bair, which saw a large number of his comrades killed. Later, upon returning to action, he was informed that his regiment had been chosen to hold the final lines during the evacuation of Gallipoli. As such, he was the penultimate man to be evacuated from Suvla Bay, the last being General F.S. Maude.
The Gallipoli Campaign in which Attlee had fought had been masterminded by the First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill. Attlee believed that it was a bold strategy, which could have been successful if it had been better implemented on the ground. This gave him an admiration for Churchill as a military strategist, which would prove to make their working relationship in later years a very productive one.
He later served in the Mesopotamian Campaign in Iraq, where he was badly wounded at El Hannah after being hit in the leg by shrapnel from an exploding shell while storming an enemy trench. He was sent back to Britain to recover, and spent most of 1917 training soldiers. That year, he was promoted to the rank of Major, leading him to be known as "Major Attlee" for the inter-war period. After recovering from his injuries, he was sent to France in June 1918 to serve on the Western Front for the final months of the war. He later returned to lecturing at the London School of Economics, where he would remain until 1923.
Attlee met Violet Millar on a trip to Italy in 1921. They were engaged a few weeks after their return, and were later married at Christ Church, Hampstead on 10 January 1922. It would come to be a devoted marriage, until her death in 1964. They had four children:
Attlee returned to local politics in the immediate post-war period, becoming mayor of the Metropolitan Borough of Stepney, one of London's poorest inner-city boroughs, in 1919. During his time as mayor, the council undertook action to tackle slum landlords who charged high rents but refused to spend money on keeping their property in habitable condition. The council served and enforced legal orders on house-owners to repair their property. It also appointed health visitors and sanitary inspectors, and reduced the infant mortality rate.
In 1920, while mayor, he wrote his first book, The Social Worker, which set out many of the principles that informed his political philosophy and that were to underpin the actions of his government in later years. The book attacked the idea that looking after the poor could be left to voluntary action. He wrote:
Charity is a cold grey loveless thing. If a rich man wants to help the poor, he should pay his taxes gladly, not dole out money at a whim.
He went on to write:
In a civilised community, although it may be composed of self-reliant individuals, there will be some persons who will be unable at some period of their lives to look after themselves, and the question of what is to happen to them may be solved in three ways – they may be neglected, they may be cared for by the organised community as of right, or they may be left to the goodwill of individuals in the community. The first way is intolerable, and as for the third: Charity is only possible without loss of dignity between equals. A right established by law, such as that to an old age pension, is less galling than an allowance made by a rich man to a poor one, dependent on his view of the recipient’s character, and terminable at his caprice.
At the 1922 general election, Attlee became the Member of Parliament (MP) for the constituency of Limehouse in Stepney. At the time, he admired Ramsay MacDonald and helped MacDonald get elected as Labour Party leader at the 1922 Labour leadership election. He later regretted this decision. He served as Ramsay MacDonald's parliamentary private secretary for the brief 1922 parliament. His first taste of ministerial office came in 1924, when he served as Under-Secretary of State for War in the short-lived first Labour government, led by MacDonald.
Attlee opposed the 1926 General Strike, believing that strike action should not be used as a political weapon. However, when it happened, he did not attempt to undermine it. At the time of the strike he was chairman of the Stepney Borough Electricity Committee. He negotiated a deal with the Electrical Trade Union so that they would continue to supply power to hospitals, but would end supplies to factories. One firm, Scammell and Nephew Ltd, took a civil action against Attlee and the other Labour members of the committee (although not against the Conservative members who had also supported this). The court found against Attlee and his fellow councillors and they were ordered to pay £300 damages. The decision was later reversed on appeal, but the financial problems caused by the episode almost forced Attlee out of politics.
In 1927 he was appointed a member of the multi-party Simon Commission, a Royal Commission set up to examine the possibility of granting self-rule to India. Due to the time he needed to devote to the commission, and contrary to a promise MacDonald made to Attlee to induce him to serve on the commission, he was not initially offered a ministerial post in the Second Labour Government. Attlee's unsought service on the Commission equipped him with a thorough exposure to India and many of its political leaders. He was later to decide the future of India as Prime Minister.
In 1930, Labour MP Oswald Mosley left the party after its rejection of his proposals for solving the unemployment problem. Attlee was given Mosley's post of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. He was Postmaster-General at the time of the 1931 crisis, during which most of the party's leaders lost their seats. During the course of the second Labour government, Attlee had become increasingly disillusioned by Ramsay MacDonald, whom he came to regard as vain and incompetent, and later wrote scathingly of him in his autobiography.
After Ramsay MacDonald formed a National Government to combat the Great Depression in 1931, the ensuing election was a disaster for the Labour Party, which lost over 200 seats. The vast majority of the party's senior figures lost their seats, including the Leader Arthur Henderson. George Lansbury and Attlee were two of the very few surviving Labour MPs who had experience of government, and accordingly Lansbury was duly elected Leader with and Attlee as his deputy.
Attlee would effectively serve as acting leader for nine months from December 1933, after Lansbury fractured his thigh in an accident, which raised his public profile considerably. It was during this period, however, that personal financial problems almost forced Attlee to quit politics altogether. His wife had become ill, and at that time there was no separate salary for the Leader of the Opposition. On the verge of resigning from Parliament, he was persuaded to stay by Stafford Cripps, a wealthy socialist, who agreed to pay him an additional salary until his wife was able to recover.
George Lansbury, a committed pacifist, resigned as the Leader of the Labour Party at the 1935 Party Conference after delegates voted in favour of sanctions against Italy for its aggression against Abyssinia. Lansbury had strongly opposed the policy, and felt unable to continue leading the party. With a general election looming, the Parliamentary Labour Party appointed Attlee as interim leader, on the understanding that a leadership election would be held after the general election. Attlee therefore led Labour through the 1935 election, which saw the party stage a partial recovery from its disastrous 1931 performance, gaining over one hundred seats.
Attlee stood in the subsequent leadership election, held in October 1935, where he was opposed by Herbert Morrison and Arthur Greenwood. Morrison was seen as the favourite by many, but was distrusted by many sections of the party, especially the left-wing. Arthur Greenwood's leadership bid, meanwhile, was severely hampered by his alcohol problem. Attlee was able to come across as a competent and unifying figure, particularly having already led the party through a general election. He went on to come first in both the first and second ballots, formally being elected Leader of the Labour Party on 25 October 1935.
Throughout the 1920s and most of the 1930s, the Labour Party's official policy had been to oppose rearmament, instead supporting internationalism and collective security under the League of Nations. At the 1934 Labour Party Conference in Southport, Attlee declared that "We have absolutely abandoned any idea of nationalist loyalty. We are deliberately putting a world order before our loyalty to our own country. We say we want to see put on the statute book something which will make our people citizens of the world before they are citizens of this country". During a debate on defence in the House of Commons a year later, Attlee said "We are told (in the White Paper) that there is danger against which we have to guard ourselves. We do not think you can do it by national defence. We think you can only do it by moving forward to a new world. A world of law, the abolition of national armaments with a world force and a world economic system. I shall be told that that is quite impossible". Shortly after those comments, Adolf Hitler would give a speech in which he proclaimed that German rearmament offered no threat to world peace. Attlee responded the next day noting that Hitler's speech, although containing unfavourable references to the Soviet Union, created "A chance to call a halt in the armaments race...We do not think that our answer to Herr Hitler should be just rearmament. We are in an age of rearmaments, but we on this side cannot accept that position".
In April 1936, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Neville Chamberlain, introduced a Budget which increased the amount spent on the armed forces. Attlee made a radio broadcast in opposition to it, saying the budget "was the natural expression of the character of the present Government. There was hardly any increase allowed for the services which went to build up the life of the people, education and health. Everything was devoted to piling up the instruments of death. The Chancellor expressed great regret that he should have to spend so much on armaments, but said that it was absolutely necessary and was due only to the actions of other nations. One would think to listen to him that the Government had no responsibility for the state of world affairs...The Government has now resolved to enter upon an arms race, and the people will have to pay for their mistake in believing that it could be trusted to carry out a policy of peace. ... This is a War Budget. We can look in the future for no advance in Social Legislation. All available resources are to be devoted to armaments." However, with the rising threat from Nazi Germany, and the ineffectiveness of the League of Nations, this policy eventually lost credibility. By 1937, Labour had jettisoned its pacifist position and came to support rearmament and oppose Neville Chamberlain's policy of appeasement. In 1938, Attlee opposed the Munich Agreement in which Chamberlain negotiated with Hitler to give Germany the German-speaking parts of Czechoslovakia, the Sudetenland:
We all feel relief that war has not come this time. Every one of us has been passing through days of anxiety; we cannot, however, feel that peace has been established, but that we have nothing but an armistice in a state of war. We have been unable to go in for care-free rejoicing. We have felt that we are in the midst of a tragedy. We have felt humiliation. This has not been a victory for reason and humanity. It has been a victory for brute force. At every stage of the proceedings there have been time limits laid down by the owner and ruler of armed force. The terms have not been terms negotiated; they have been terms laid down as ultimata. We have seen to-day a gallant, civilised and democratic people betrayed and handed over to a ruthless despotism. We have seen something more. We have seen the cause of democracy, which is, in our view, the cause of civilisation and humanity, receive a terrible defeat...The events of these last few days constitute one of the greatest diplomatic defeats that this country and France have ever sustained. There can be no doubt that it is a tremendous victory for Herr Hitler. Without firing a shot, by the mere display of military force, he has achieved a dominating position in Europe which Germany failed to win after four years of war. He has overturned the balance of power in Europe. He has destroyed the last fortress of democracy in Eastern Europe which stood in the way of his ambition. He has opened his way to the food, the oil and the resources which he requires in order to consolidate his military power, and he has successfully defeated and reduced to impotence the forces that might have stood against the rule of violence.
In 1937, Attlee visited Spain and visited the British Battalion of the International Brigades fighting in the Spanish Civil War. One of the companies was named the 'Major Attlee Company' in his honour.
Attlee remained as Leader of the Opposition when the Second World War broke out in September 1939. The ensuing disastrous Norwegian campaign would result in a motion of no confidence in Neville Chamberlain. Although Chamberlain survived this, the reputation of his administration was so badly and publicly damaged, that it became clear a coalition government would be necessary. Even if Attlee had personally been prepared to serve under Chamberlain in an emergency coalition government, he would never have been able to carry Labour with him. Consequently, Chamberlain tendered his resignation, and Labour and the Conservatives entered a coalition government led by Winston Churchill.
In the coalition government, three inter-connected committees effectively ran the country. Churchill chaired the first two, the War Cabinet and the Defence Committee, with Attlee deputising for him in these, and answering for the government in Parliament when Churchill was absent. Attlee himself chaired the third and final body, the Lord President's Committee, which was responsible for domestic affairs. As Churchill was most concerned with overseeing the war effort, this arrangement suited both men. Only Attlee and Churchill would remain in the War Cabinet from the formation of the Government of National Unity in May 1940 through to the election in May 1945. Attlee was initially the Lord Privy Seal, before becoming Britain's first ever Deputy Prime Minister in 1942, as well as becoming the Dominions Secretary and the Lord President of the Council. Attlee supported Churchill in his continuation of Britain's resistance after the French capitulation in 1940, and proved a loyal ally to Churchill throughout the conflict; when the War Cabinet had voted on whether to negotiate peace terms, Attlee - along with fellow Labour minister Arthur Greenwood - voted in favour of fighting, giving Churchill the majority he needed to continue the war.
Following the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of the War in Europe in May 1945, Attlee and Churchill favoured the coalition government remaining in place until Japan had been defeated. However, Herbert Morrison made it clear that the Labour Party would not be willing to accept this, and Churchill was forced to tender his resignation as Prime Minister and call an immediate election. The war had set in motion profound social changes within Britain, and had ultimately led to a widespread popular desire for social reform. This mood was epitomised in the Beveridge Report, which assumed that the maintenance of full employment would be the aim of post-war governments, and that this would provide the basis for the welfare state. Immediately on its release, it sold hundreds of thousands of copies. All major parties committed themselves to fulfilling this aim, but it can be argued that Attlee's Labour Party were seen by the electorate as the most likely to follow it through.
Labour campaigned on the theme of "Let Us Face the Future", positioning themselves as the party best placed to rebuild Britain after the war, while the Conservative campaign focused entirely around Churchill. With Churchill's status as a "war hero", many predicted a Conservative victory, although Churchill made some costly errors during the campaign. In particular, his suggestion during one radio broadcast that a future Labour Government would require "some form of a gestapo" to implement their policies was widely regarded as being in very bad taste, and massively backfired. Despite this, the results of the election came as a surprise to many, including Attlee himself, when they were announced on 26 July. Labour had won power by a huge landslide, winning just under 50% of the vote to the Conservatives' 36%. This gave them 393 seats in the House of Commons, a working majority of 146. This was the first time in history that the Labour Party had won a majority in Parliament. It was rumoured after the results that when Attlee went to see King George VI at Buckingham Palace to be appointed Prime Minister, the notoriously laconic Attlee and the famously tongue-tied King stood for some minutes in silence before Attlee finally volunteered the remark, "I've won the election." The King allegedly replied "I know. I heard it on the Six O'Clock News."
As Prime Minister, Attlee appointed Hugh Dalton as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Ernest Bevin as Foreign Secretary, and Herbert Morrison as Deputy Prime Minister, with overall responsibility for nationalisation. Additionally, Stafford Cripps was made President of the Board of Trade, Aneurin Bevan became Minister of Health, and Ellen Wilkinson, the only woman to serve in Attlee's government, was appointed Minister of Education. The Attlee Government proved itself to be a radical, reforming government. From 1945 to 1948, over 200 public Acts of Parliament were passed, with eight major pieces of legislation placed on the statute book in 1946 alone.
Attlee's Health Minister, Aneurin Bevan, fought hard against the general disapproval of the medical establishment, including the British Medical Association, by creating the National Health Service (NHS). This was a publicly funded healthcare system, which offered treatment free of charge for all at the point of use. Reflecting pent-up demand that had long existed for medical services, the NHS treated some 8.5 million dental patients and dispensed more than 5 million pairs of spectacles during its first year of operation. Consultants also benefited from the new system by being paid salaries that provided an acceptable standard of living without the need for them to resort to private practice. The NHS brought major improvements in the health of working-class people, with deaths from diphtheria, pneumonia, and TB significantly reduced. Although there are often disputes about its organisation and funding, British parties to this day must still voice their general support for the NHS in order to remain electable.
In the field of health care, funds were allocated towards modernisation and extension schemes aimed at improving administrative efficiency. Improvements were made in nursing accommodation in order to recruit more nurses and reduce labour shortages which were keeping 60,000 beds out of use, and efforts were made to reduce the imbalance "between an excess of fever and tuberculosis (TB) beds and a shortage of maternity beds." In addition, BCG vaccinations were introduced for the protection of medical students, midwives, nurses, and contacts of patients with TB, while a pension scheme was set up for employees of the newly-established NHS. Numerous lesser reforms were also introduced, some of which were of great benefit to certain segments of British society, such as the mentally deficient and the blind. During the period 1948-51, the Attlee Government increased spending on health from £6 billion to £11 billion, an increase of over 50%, and from 2.1% to 3.6% of GDP.
The government set about implementing William Beveridge's plans for the creation of a 'cradle to grave' welfare state, and set in place an entirely new system of social security. Among the most important pieces of legislation was the National Insurance Act 1946, in which people in work paid a flat rate of national insurance. In return, they (and the wives of male contributors) were eligible for flat-rate pensions, sickness benefit, unemployment benefit, and funeral benefit. Various other pieces of legislation provided for child benefit and support for people with no other source of income. The New Towns Act of 1946 set up development corporations to construct new towns, while the Town and Country Planning Act of 1947 instructed county councils to prepare development plans and also provided compulsory purchase powers. The Attlee Government also extended the powers of local authorities to requisition houses and parts of houses, and made the acquisition of land less difficult than before. In 1949, local authorities were empowered to provide people suffering from poor health with public housing at subsidised rents. That same year, unemployment, sickness and maternity benefits were exempted from tax.
Development rights were also nationalised while the government attempted to take all development profits for the State. Strong planning authorities were set up to control land use, and issued manuals of guidance which stressed the importance of safeguarding agricultural land. A strong chain of regional offices was set up within its planning ministry to provide a strong lead in regional development policies.
A block grant introduced in 1948 helped the social services provided by local authorities. Personal Social Services or welfare services were developed in 1948 for individual and families in general, particularly special groups such as the mentally disordered, deprived children, the elderly, and the handicapped. The Attlee Government also significantly increased pensions and other benefits, with pensions raised to become more of a living income than they had been.
A large house-building programme was carried out with the intention of providing millions of people with high-quality homes. A housing bill passed in 1946 increased Treasury subsidies for the construction of local authority housing in England and Wales. Four out of five houses constructed under Labour were council properties built to more generous specifications than before the Second World War, and subsidies kept down council rents. Altogether, these policies provided public-sector housing with its biggest ever boost up until that point, while low-wage earners particularly benefited from these developments. Although the Attlee Government failed to meet its targets, primarily due to economic constraints, over a million new homes were built between 1945 and 1951 (a significant achievement under the circumstances) which ensured that decent, affordable housing was available to many low-income families for the first time ever.
A more extensive system of social welfare benefits was established by the Attlee Government, which did much to reduce acute social deprivation. The cumulative impact of the Attlee’s Government’s health and welfare policies was such that all the indices of health (such as statistics of school medical or dental officers, or of medical officers of health) showed signs of improvement, with continual improvements in survival rates for infants and increased life expectancy for the elderly. The success of the Attlee Government's welfare legislation in reducing poverty was such that, in the general election of 1950, according to Kevin Jefferys, "Labour propaganda could make much of the claim that social security had eradicated the most abject destitution of the 1930s".
A number of reforms were embarked upon to improve conditions for women and children. In 1946, universal family allowances were introduced to provide financial support to households for raising children. These benefits had been legislated for the previous year by Churchill’s Family Allowances Act 1945, and was the first measure pushed through parliament by Attlee’s government. Conservatives would later criticise Labour for having been "too hasty" in introducing family allowances.
A Married Women (Restraint Upon Anticipation) Act was passed in 1949 "to equalise, to render inoperative any restrictions upon anticipation or alienation attached to the enjoyment of property by a woman," while the Married Women (Maintenance) Act of 1949 was enacted with the intention of improving the adequacy and duration of financial benefits for married women. The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act of 1950 amended an Act of 1885 to bring prostitutes within the law and safeguard them from abduction and abuse. The Criminal Justice Act of 1948 restricted imprisonment for juveniles and brought improvements to the probation and remand centres systems, while the passage of the Justices of the Peace Act of 1949 led to extensive reforms of magistrates courts.
In 1946, the government set up a National Institute of Houseworkers as a means of providing a social democratic variety of domestic service. The institute aimed to promote domestic service as a skilled craft, by means of training and by examination of those who already had the necessary qualifications. By the autumn of 1946, agreed standards of training were established, which was followed by the opening of a training headquarters and the opening of an additional 9 training centres in Wales, Scotland, and then throughout Great Britain. The National Health Service Act of 1946 indicated that domestic help should be provided for households where that help is required "owing to the presence of any person who is ill, lying-in, an expectant mother, mentally defective, aged or a child not over compulsory school age". 'Home help' therefore included the provision of home-helps for nursing and expectant mothers and for mothers with children under the age of five, and by 1952 some 20,000 women were engaged in this service.
Various measures were carried out to improve conditions in the workplace. Entitlement to sick leave was greatly extended, and sick pay schemes were introduced for local authority administrative, professional and technical workers in 1946 and for various categories of manual workers in 1948. Worker’s compensation was also significantly improved. The Fair Wages Resolution of 1946 required any contractor working on a public project to at least match the pay rates and other employment conditions set in the appropriate collective agreement. In 1946, purchase tax was removed completely from kitchen fittings and crockery, while the rate was reduced on various gardening items.
The Fire Services Act 1947 introduced a new pension scheme for firefighters, while the Electricity Act 1947 introduced better retirement benefits for workers in that industry. A Workers’ Compensation (Supplementation) Act was passed in 1948 that introduced benefits for workers with certain asbestos-related diseases which had occurred before 1948. The Merchant Shipping Act of 1948 and the Merchant Shipping (Safety Convention) Act of 1949 were passed to improve conditions for seamen. The Shops Act of 1950 consolidated previous legislation which provided that no one could be employed in a shop for more than six hours without having a break for at least 20 minutes. The legislation also required a lunch break of at least 45 minutes for anyone for worked between 11:30 am and 2:30 pm and a half hour tea break for anyone working between 4 pm and 7 pm. The government also strengthened a Fair Wages Resolution, with a clause that required all employers getting government contracts to recognise the rights of their workers to join trade unions.
The Trades Disputes Act 1927 was repealed, and a Dock Labour Scheme was introduced in 1947 to put an end to the casual system of hiring labour in the docks. This scheme gave registered dockers the legal right to minimum work and decent conditions. Through the National Dock Labour Board (on which trade unions and employers had equal representation) the unions acquired control over recruitment and dismissal. Registered dockers laid off by employers within the Scheme had the right either to be taken on by another, or to generous compensation.
Wages for members of the police force were significantly increased. The introduction of a Miner’s Charter in 1946 instituted a five-day work week for miners and a standardised day wage structure, and in 1948 a Colliery Workers Supplementary Scheme was approved, providing supplementary allowances to disabled coal-workers and their dependants. In 1948, a pension scheme was set up to provide pension benefits for employees of the new NHS, as well as their dependents. Under the Coal Industry Nationalisation (Superannuation) Regulations of 1950, a pension scheme for mineworkers was established.
Attlee's government also carried out their manifesto commitment for nationalisation of basic industries and public utilities. The Bank of England and civil aviation were nationalised in 1946. Coal mining, the railways, road haulage, canals and cable and wireless were nationalised in 1947, electricity and gas followed in 1948. The steel industry was nationalised in 1951. By 1951 about 20% of the British economy had been taken into public ownership.
In spite of the hopes of many on the left, nationalisation failed to provide workers with a greater say in the running of the industries in which they worked. It did, however, bring about significant material gains for workers in the form of higher wages, reduced working hours, and improvements in working conditions, especially in regards to safety. As historian Eric Shaw noted of the years following nationalisation, the electricity and gas supply companies became "impressive models of public enterprise" in terms of efficiency, and the National Coal Board was not only profitable, but working conditions for miners had significantly improved as well. Within a few years of nationalisation, a number of progressive measures had been carried out which did much to improve conditions in the mines, including better pay, a five-day workweek, a national safety scheme (with proper standards at all the collieries), a ban on boys under the age of 16 going underground, the introduction of training for newcomers before going down to the coalface, and the making of pithead baths into a standard facility. As noted by Martin Francis
“Union leaders saw nationalisation as a means to pursue a more advantageous position within a framework of continued conflict, rather than as an opportunity to replace the old adversarial form of industrial relations. Moreover, most workers in nationalised industries exhibited an essentially instrumentalist attitude, favouring public ownership because it secured job security and improved wages rather than because it promised the creation of a new set of socialists relationships in the workplace.”
The Attlee Government placed strong emphasis on improving the quality of life in rural areas, benefiting both farmers and other consumers. Security of tenure for farmers was introduced, while consumers were protected by food subsidies and the redistributive effects of deficiency payments. Between 1945 and 1951, the quality of rural life was improved by improvements in gas, electricity, and water services, as well as in leisure and public amenities. In addition, the 1947 Transport Act improved provision of rural bus services, while the Agriculture Act 1947 established a more generous subsidy system for farmers. Legislation was also passed in 1947 and 1948 which established a permanent Agricultural Wages Board to fix minimum wages for agricultural workers. The Attlee Government also made it possible for farm workers to borrow up to 90% of the cost of building their own houses, and received a subsidy of £15 a year for 40 years towards that cost.
At a time of world food shortages, it was vital that farmers produced the maximum amount possible. The government encouraged farmers via subsidies for modernisation, while the National Agricultural Advisory Service provided expertise and price guarantees. As a result of the Attlee Government’s initiatives in agriculture, there was a 20% increase in output between 1947 and 1952, while Britain adopted one of the most mechanised and efficient farming industries in the world.
The Attlee Government ensured provisions of the Education Act 1944 were fully implemented, with free secondary education becoming a right for the first time. Fees in state grammar schools were eliminated, while new, modern secondary schools were constructed. The school leaving age was raised to 15 in 1947, an accomplishment helped brought into fruition by initiatives such as the H.O.R.S.A. ("Huts Operation for Raising the School-leaving Age") scheme and the S.F.O.R.S.A. (furniture) scheme. Increased Treasury funds were made available for education, particularly for upgrading school buildings suffering from years of neglect and war damage. Prefabricated classrooms were also built and 928 new primary schools were constructed between 1945 and 1950. The provision of free school meals was expanded, and opportunities for universal entrants were increased. State scholarships to universities were increased, and the government adopted a policy of supplementing university scholarships awards to a level sufficient to cover fees plus maintenance. Free milk was also made available to all schoolchildren for the first time. In addition, spending on technical education also rose, and the number of nursery schools was increased. Salaries for teachers were also improved, and funds were allocated towards improving existing schools.
A Ministry of Education was established, and free County Colleges were set up for the compulsory part-time instruction of teenagers between the ages of 15 and 18 who were not in full-time education. An Emergency Training Scheme was also introduced which turned out an extra 25,000 teachers in 1945–51. Despite these achievements, Attlee's government failed to introduce the comprehensive education for which many socialists had hoped (as a means of making the educational system less meritoric). This reform was eventually carried out by Harold Wilson's government. During its time in office, the Attlee Government increased spending on education by over 50%, from £6.5 billion to £10 billion.
The most significant problem facing Attlee and his ministers remained the economy, as the war effort had left Britain nearly bankrupt. The war had cost Britain about a quarter of its national wealth. Overseas investments had been used up to pay for the war. The transition to a peacetime economy, and the maintaining of strategic military commitments abroad led to continuous and severe problems with the balance of trade. This resulted in strict rationing of food and other essential goods continuing in the post war period to force a reduction in consumption in an effort to limit imports, boost exports, and stabilise the Pound Sterling so that Britain could trade its way out of its financial state.
The abrupt end of the American Lend-Lease program in August 1945 almost caused a crisis. Some relief was provided by the Anglo-American loan, negotiated in December 1945. The conditions attached to the loan included making the pound fully convertible to the dollar. When this was introduced in July 1947, it led to a currency crisis and convertibility had to be suspended after just five weeks. Britain also benefited from the American Marshall Aid program in 1948, and the economic situation improved significantly. Another balance of payments crisis in 1949 forced Chancellor of the Exchequer, Stafford Cripps, into devaluation of the pound.
Despite these problems, one of the main achievements of Attlee's government was the maintenance of near full employment. The government maintained most of the wartime controls over the economy, including control over the allocation of materials and manpower, and unemployment rarely rose above 500,000, or 3% of the total workforce. Labour shortages proved to be a more frequent problem. The inflation rate was also kept low during his term. The rate of unemployment rarely rose above 2% during Attlee’s time in office, whilst there was no hard-core of long-term unemployed. Both production and productivity rose as a result of new equipment, while the average working week was shortened.
The government was less successful in housing, which was the responsibility of Aneurin Bevan. The government had a target to build 400,000 new houses a year to replace those which had been destroyed in the war, but shortages of materials and manpower meant that less than half this number were built. Nevertheless, millions of people were rehoused as a result of the Attlee government's housing policies. Between August 1945 and December 1951, 1,016,349 new homes were completed in England, Scotland, and Wales.
When the Attlee Government was voted out of office in 1951, the economy had been improved compared to 1945. The period from 1946 to 1951 saw continuous full employment and steadily rising living standards, which increased by about 10% each year. During that same period, the economy grew by 3% a year, and by 1951 the United Kingdom had "the best economic performance in Europe, while output per person was increasing faster than in the United States." Careful planning after 1945 also ensured that demobilisation was carried out without having a negative impact upon economic recovery, and that unemployment stayed at very low levels. In addition, the number of motor cars on the roads rose from 3 million to 5 million from 1945 to 1951, and seaside holidays were taken by far more people than ever before.
1947 proved to be a particularly difficult year for the government; an exceptionally cold winter that year caused coal mines to freeze and cease production, creating widespread power cuts and food shortages. The Minister of Fuel and Power, Emanuel Shinwell, became a scapegoat for the crisis and was widely blamed for failing to ensure adequate coal stocks, and soon resigned from his post. The Conservatives capitalised on the crisis with the slogan 'Starve with Strachey and shiver with Shinwell' (referring to the Minister of Food John Strachey).
The crisis led to an unsuccessful plot by Hugh Dalton to replace Attlee as Prime Minister with Ernest Bevin. Later that year Stafford Cripps tried to persuade Attlee to stand aside for Bevin. These plots petered out after Bevin refused to cooperate. Later that year, Hugh Dalton resigned as Chancellor after inadvertently leaking details of the budget to a journalist. He was replaced by Cripps.
In foreign affairs, the Attlee Government was concerned with four main issues; post-war Europe, the onset of the Cold War, the establishment of the United Nations, and decolonisation. The first two were closely related, and Attlee was assisted by Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin. Attlee also attended the later stages of the Potsdam Conference, where he negotiated with President Harry S. Truman and General Secretary Joseph Stalin.
In the immediate aftermath of the war, the Government faced the challenge of managing relations with Britain's former war-time ally, Stalin and the Soviet Union. Ernest Bevin was a passionate anti-communist, based largely on his experience of fighting communist influence in the trade union movement. Bevin's initial approach to the USSR as Foreign Secretary has been described by historian Kenneth O. Morgan as "wary and suspicious, but not automatically hostile".
In an early "good-will" gesture that was later heavily criticised, the Attlee Government allowed the Soviets access, under the terms of a 1946 UK-USSR Trade Agreement, to several Rolls-Royce Nene jet engines. The Soviets, who at the time were well behind the West in jet technology, reverse-engineered the Nene and installed their own version in the MiG-15 interceptor, used to good effect against US-UK forces in the subsequent Korean War, as well as in several later MiG models.
After Stalin took political control of most of Eastern Europe, and began to subvert other governments in the Balkans, Attlee's and Bevin's worst fears of Soviet intentions were realized. The Attlee Government then became instrumental in the creation of the successful NATO defence alliance to protect Western Europe against any Soviet aggression. In a crucial contribution to the economic stability of post-war Europe, Attlee's Cabinet was instrumental in promoting the American Marshall Plan for the economic recovery of Europe.
A group of Labour MPs, organised under the banner of "Keep Left", urged the government to steer a middle way between the two emerging superpowers, and advocated the creation of a "third force" of European powers to stand between the US and USSR. However, deteriorating relations between Britain and the USSR, as well as Britain's economic reliance on America following the Marshall Plan, steered policy towards supporting the US. In January 1947, fear of Soviet and American nuclear intentions led to a secret meeting of the Cabinet, where the decision was made to press ahead with the development of Britain's independent nuclear deterrent, an issue which later caused a split in the Labour Party. Britain's first successful nuclear test, however, did not occur until 1952, one year after Attlee had left office.
The Attlee Government was responsible for beginning the process of decolonisation of the British Empire, starting by granting independence to India. Attlee appointed Lord Louis Mountbatten to be the Viceroy of India when he first became Prime Minister, and agreed to Mountbatten's request for plenipotentiary powers for negotiating Indian independence. In view of implacable demands by the political leadership of, in particular, the Islamic community in British India for a separate Muslim homeland, Mountbatten conceded the notion of two nations consisting of a Hindu-majority India and a Muslim-majority Pakistan (which incorporated East Pakistan, now Bangladesh).
The drawing of borders was accomplished at the cost of large-scale population movements and heavy communal bloodshed on both sides. The independence of Burma and Ceylon was also negotiated around this time. Some of the new countries became British Dominions, the genesis of the modern Commonwealth of Nations.
One of the most urgent problems concerned the future of the Palestine Mandate. British policies there were perceived by the Zionist movement and the Truman Administration as pro-Arab and anti-Jewish. In the face of an armed revolt of Jewish militant groups and increasing violence of the local Arab population, Britain had found itself unable to control events. This was a very unpopular commitment, and the evacuation of British troops and subsequent handing over of the issue to the United Nations was widely supported by the public.
The government's policies with regard to the other colonies, particularly those in Africa, were very different. A major military base was built in Kenya, and the African colonies came under an unprecedented degree of direct control from London. Development schemes were implemented to help solve Britain's desperate post-war balance of payments crisis and raise African living standards. This "new colonialism" was generally a failure, at times even spectacularly so, such as the Tanganyika groundnut scheme.
The 1950 election gave Labour a greatly reduced parliamentary majority, a mere five seats compared to the triple-digit majority of five years previous, despite an increase in their popular vote. This occurred because of the first-past-the-post voting system used by the UK, and was largely blamed on post-war austerity denting Labour's appeal to wealthier voters who felt they would be more prosperous under a Conservative Government. It was at this time that the Opposition recovered at the expense of the declining Liberal Party. Although Attlee's second term was less radical than his first, it still oversaw the passage of a number of reforms relating to issues such as industry in development areas, the restoration of land which had been devastated by ironstone pollution, and river pollution.
By 1951, the Attlee Government was looking increasingly exhausted, with several of its most important ministers ailing or having died. Attlee himself was briefly hospitalised with duodenal ulcers. The party fatally split in 1951 over an austerity Budget brought in by the Chancellor, Hugh Gaitskell, to pay for the cost of Britain's participation in the Korean War. Aneurin Bevan resigned to protest against the new charges for "teeth and spectacles" introduced by that Budget, and was joined in this action by several ministers, including the future Prime Minister Harold Wilson.
Finding it impossible to govern successfully, Attlee called a general election in 1951, attempting to achieve a more workable majority. However, Labour went on to lose the election to Churchill's renewed Conservatives, despite polling more votes than they did in the 1945 election, and beating the Conservatives in the popular vote. Attlee's short list of Resignation Honours, announced in November 1951, included an Earldom for William Jowitt, Lord Chancellor.
His term as Prime Minister of six years and 92 days was the longest unbroken time spent by any Labour Leader as Prime Minister until Tony Blair more than 50 years later. Although Harold Wilson did manage a total of almost eight years as Prime Minister, that took place across two different spells between 1964 and 1976.
Following the defeat in 1951, Attlee continued to lead the party as Leader of the Opposition. His last four years as leader were, however, widely seen as one of the Labour Party's weaker periods. The party split between its right wing, led by Hugh Gaitskell, and its left, led by Aneurin Bevan. Many Labour MPs felt that Attlee should have retired after the 1951 election and allowed a younger man to lead the party. Bevan openly called for him to stand down in the summer of 1954. One of his main reasons for staying on as leader was to frustrate the leadership ambitions of Herbert Morrison, whom Attlee disliked for political and personal reasons. At one time, Attlee had favoured Aneurin Bevan to succeed him as leader, but this became problematic after Bevan almost irrevocably split the party.
In an interview with the News Chronicle columnist Percy Cudlipp in mid-September 1955, Attlee made clear his own thinking together with his preference for the leadership succession, stating: "Labour has nothing to gain by dwelling in the past. Nor do I think we can impress the nation by adopting a futile left-wingism. I regard myself as Left of Centre which is where a Party Leader ought to be. It is no use asking, 'What would Keir Hardie have done?' We must have at the top men brought up in the present age, not, as I was, in the Victorian Age."
Attlee, now 72 years of age, contested the 1955 general election against Anthony Eden, which saw the Conservative majority increase from seventeen to sixty. He retired as Leader of the Labour Party on 25 November 1955, having led Labour for twenty years, and was succeeded by Hugh Gaitskell.
He subsequently retired from the Commons and was elevated to the peerage to take his seat in the House of Lords as Earl Attlee and Viscount Prestwood on 16 December 1955. In 1958 he was, along with Bertrand Russell, one of a group of notables to establish the Homosexual Law Reform Society. The society campaigned for the decriminalisation of homosexual acts in private by consenting adults, a reform which was voted through parliament nine years later.
He attended Churchill's funeral in January 1965. He was elderly and frail by that time. and had to remain seated in the freezing cold as the coffin was carried, having tired himself out by standing at the rehearsal the previous day. After the service, Attlee had to be helped down the steps of St Paul's Cathedral by Sir Anthony Eden and a Guards officer.
A heavy pipe and cigarette smoker from an early age, Attlee had breathing problems in his later years. He lived to see Labour return to power under Harold Wilson in 1964, but also to see his old constituency of Walthamstow West fall to the Conservatives in a by-election in September 1967. He died of pneumonia at the age of 84 at Westminster Hospital on 8 October 1967.
On his death, the title passed to his son Martin Richard Attlee, 2nd Earl Attlee (1927–91). It is now held by Clement Attlee's grandson John Richard Attlee, 3rd Earl Attlee. The third earl (a member of the Conservative Party) retained his seat in the Lords as one of the hereditary peers to remain under an amendment to Labour's 1999 House of Lords Act.
When Attlee died, his estate was sworn for probate purposes at a value of £7,295, a relatively modest sum for so prominent a figure. He was cremated and his ashes buried in the nave of Westminster Abbey, close to those of Lord Passfield and Ernest Bevin.
"A modest man, but then he has so much to be modest about", is a quote about Attlee that is very commonly ascribed to Churchill (although Churchill in fact denied saying it, and respected Attlee's service in the War Cabinet). Attlee's modesty and quiet manner hid a great deal that has only come to light with historical reappraisal. In terms of the machinery of government, he was one of the most businesslike and effective of all the British prime ministers. Indeed he is widely praised by his successors, both Labour and Conservative.
His leadership style of consensual government, acting as a chairman rather than a president, won him much praise from historians and politicians alike. Christopher Soames, Britain's Ambassador to France during the government of Edward Heath and cabinet minister under Margaret Thatcher, remarked that "Mrs. Thatcher was not really running a team. Every time you have a Prime Minister who wants to make all the decisions, it mainly leads to bad results. Attlee didn't. That's why he was so damn good." Even Thatcher herself wrote in her 1995 memoirs, which charted her beginnings in Grantham to her victory in the 1979 General Election, that she admired Attlee, writing: "Of Clement Attlee, however, I was an admirer. He was a serious man and a patriot. Quite contrary to the general tendency of politicians in the 1990s, he was all substance and no show".
Attlee's administration presided over the successful transition from a wartime economy to peacetime, tackling problems of demobilisation, shortages of foreign currency, and adverse deficits in trade balances and government expenditure. Further domestic policies that he brought about included the establishment of the National Health Service and post-war Welfare State, which became key to the reconstruction of post-war Britain. Attlee and his ministers did much to transform Britain into a more prosperous and egalitarian society during their time in office with reductions in poverty and a rise in the general economic security of the population.
In foreign affairs, he did much to assist with the post-war economic recovery of Europe. He proved a loyal ally of America at the onset of the cold war. Because of his style of leadership it was not he but Ernest Bevin who masterminded foreign policy. It was Attlee's government that decided Britain should have an independent atomic weapons programme, and work began on it in 1947. Bevin, Attlee's Foreign Secretary, famously stated that "We've got to have it and it's got to have a bloody Union Jack on it." The first operational British A Bomb was not detonated until October 1952, about one year after Attlee had left office.
Though a socialist, Attlee still believed in the British Empire of his youth. He thought of it as an institution that was a power for good in the world. Nevertheless, he saw that a large part of it needed to be self-governing. Using the Dominions of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand as a model, he began the transformation of the Empire into the Commonwealth.
His greatest achievement, surpassing many of these, was, perhaps, the establishment of a political and economic consensus about the governance of Britain that all parties, whether Labour, Conservative or Liberal subscribed to for three decades, fixing the arena of political discourse until the later 1970s.
Several years after his death, a street on a new housing development in Tividale, West Midlands, was named Attlee Close in his memory. The Birks Holt social housing estate in Maltby, South Yorkshire has its streets named after Labour politicians, including Attlee, Sir Stafford Cripps, Hugh Gaitskell and George Lansbury.
On 30 November 1988, a bronze statue of Clement Attlee was unveiled by Harold Wilson (the next Labour prime minister after Attlee) outside Limehouse Library in his former constituency. By then Wilson was the last surviving member of Attlee's cabinet and the unveiling of the statue would be the last public appearance by Wilson, who was by then in the first stages of Alzheimer's Disease and who died in May 1995 after a decade of ill health. In April 2011, Limehouse Library having closed in 2003, the Attlee statue was unveiled in its new home at Queen Mary University of London. Attlee was awarded an Honorary Fellowship of Queen Mary College on 15 December 1948. A blue plaque unveiled in 1979 commemorates Attlee at 17 Monkhams Avenue, in Woodford Green in the London borough of Redbridge.
Although possessed of a genial personality, Clement Attlee was notably taciturn in his relations with the press, sometimes offering only monosyllabic answers to reporters' questions. He was seldom referred to by his forename; usually he was referred to as "C. R. Attlee" or "Mr. Attlee".
Although one of his brothers became a clergyman and one of his sisters a missionary, Attlee himself is usually regarded as an agnostic. In an interview he described himself as "incapable of religious feeling", saying that he believed in "the ethics of Christianity" but not "the mumbo-jumbo". When asked whether he was an agnostic, Attlee replied "I don't know".
Attlee composed this limerick about himself to demonstrate how he was often underestimated:
Few thought he was even a starter.
There were many who thought themselves smarter.
But he finished PM,
CH and OM,
An earl and a Knight of the Garter.
An alternative version also exists, which may reflect Attlee's use of English more closely:
There were few who thought him a starter,
Many who thought themselves smarter.
But he ended PM,
CH and OM,
an Earl and a Knight of the Garter.
In February 1950, a substantial reshuffle took place following the General Election:
Sir Oswald Mosley, Bt
|Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
The Lord Ponsonby of Shulbrede
|Leader of the Opposition
Sir Kingsley Wood
|Lord Privy Seal
Sir Stafford Cripps
The Viscount Cranborne
|Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs
The Viscount Cranborne
|Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
Sir John Anderson
|Lord President of the Council
The Lord Woolton
|Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
|First Lord of the Treasury
|Leader of the Opposition
|Parliament of the United Kingdom|
Sir William Pearce
|Member of Parliament for Limehouse
|Member of Parliament for Walthamstow West
|Party political offices|
John Robert Clynes
|Deputy Leader of the Labour Party
|Leader of the Labour Party
|Peerage of the United Kingdom|
|1st Earl Attlee
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